Emerging Challenges
Europe's defense factories become the new front line
Europe has spent years debating defense spending. The harder test now is whether money can become weapons fast enough.
![The logo of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO/OTAN) is displayed on a smartphone screen in this photo illustration in Brussels, Belgium, on March 16, 2026. [Jonathan RAA/NurPhoto/AFP]](/gc7/images/2026/07/15/56660-afp__20260316__raa-natonort260316_npngt__v1__highres__natonorthatlantictreatyorganiz-370_237.webp)
Global Watch |
Russia's war against Ukraine has forced Europe to confront a hard reality: deterrence is not sustained by promises alone. It is sustained by production lines, a shift already visible in Europe's fastest rearmament drive since the Cold War.
A military pledge means less when shells run short, air-defense interceptors cannot be replaced quickly, drones are consumed faster than they are assembled and repair depots cannot return damaged equipment to the field.
That makes Europe's defense industry a strategic front line.
The issue is no longer whether European governments understand the threat. Most now do. The question is whether Europe's fragmented industrial base can produce at the speed and scale that modern war demands.
![NATO collective defense concept illustration. June 17, 2016. [Graphic by Global Watch.]](/gc7/images/2026/07/15/56662-e90b8b31-2e00-43f6-861d-d8e3db806cdc-370_237.webp)
Factories shape deterrence
Ukraine has made one lesson difficult to ignore: stockpiles matter.
Ammunition, interceptors, drones and spare parts are consumed quickly in a long war. When inventories run low, political decisions become constrained. A country may have the will to support an ally, but without enough production capacity, that support becomes harder to sustain.
That is why defense factories are now part of deterrence.
European governments have increased spending, signed new contracts and pushed industry to expand capacity. The European Defence Industry Programme is designed to strengthen production, improve resilience and reduce dependence on suppliers outside the bloc. But the scale of the challenge remains large.
The Draghi report on European competitiveness, prepared for the European Commission, found that between mid-2022 and mid-2023, 78% of total defense procurement spending went to non-EU suppliers, including 63% to the United States.
A European Parliament briefing on the EU defense industrial strategy pointed to the same pattern, linking it to fragmented demand, national procurement habits and Europe's difficulty turning higher budgets into deeper industrial capacity.
That figure underlines Europe's central problem: it has strategic ambition, but still lacks enough industrial depth of its own.
But the problem is not only money.
Defense production depends on long supply chains, specialized workers, secure access to explosives, electronics and propellants, and companies willing to invest before orders are guaranteed. Governments can announce targets quickly. Building factories, training workers and certifying production lines takes longer.
The United States faces similar pressure. In June, The Wall Street Journal reported that President Donald Trump invoked the Defense Production Act to address munitions and supply-chain constraints, with the memo pointing to shortages in solid rocket motors, igniters and guidance systems.
For Europe, the lesson is sharper.
The continent cannot assume that U.S. industry will always absorb its shortfalls. Washington remains central to NATO's deterrence posture, but European security depends increasingly on Europe's ability to supply more of what it consumes.
Scale tests Europe
The early phase of the war was defined by emergency transfers.
The next phase is about replacement capacity. Can Europe produce artillery shells, air defense missiles, drones and armored vehicles at a pace that supports Ukraine while rebuilding national stockpiles?
That question is already reshaping industry.
France's Renault has agreed to work with Thales on loitering munitions, using automotive manufacturing capacity to support defense output. The planned production of up to 1,000 drones per month shows how civilian industry can help fill military gaps when demand is urgent.
Other countries are moving in the same direction. Governments are looking at dual-use production, faster procurement, joint purchasing and longer contracts, while some allies are already moving toward "always on" munition capacity and larger stockpiles. The aim is to give industry enough certainty to expand.
But Europe still faces familiar obstacles.
National procurement habits remain fragmented. Standards differ. Smaller firms often struggle with financing. Larger firms are careful about investing in capacity that may sit idle if orders slow. Labor shortages are also a constraint, with companies competing for engineers, welders, technicians and electronics specialists.
That is why industrial strategy matters as much as defense strategy.
Ammunition plants and drone factories are not glamorous. They rarely carry the political symbolism of fighter jets or warships. But in a prolonged crisis, they decide whether military promises can be kept.
The strategic implication is clear.
Europe does not need to replace the United States. It does need to become a more reliable producer inside the alliance. That would strengthen NATO, give Ukraine more predictable support and reduce the political risk of sudden shortages.
The war in Ukraine has turned industrial capacity into a measure of power.
Europe's factories are no longer behind the front line. They are part of it.