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Strategic power plays intensify in the Horn of Africa

Ethiopia's push for sea access is colliding with Nile politics, hardening alliances in the Horn of Africa and opening new space for proxy rivalry and outside powers.

Prime Minister of Ethiopia Abiy Ahmed delivers his remarks during the official inauguration ceremony of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) in Guba, on September 9, 2025. [Luis Tato/AFP]
Prime Minister of Ethiopia Abiy Ahmed delivers his remarks during the official inauguration ceremony of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) in Guba, on September 9, 2025. [Luis Tato/AFP]

Global Watch |

Ethiopia's search for sea access and the unresolved dispute over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam are converging into a single strategic contest in the Horn of Africa.

That shift accelerated after Ethiopia's January 2024 memorandum with Somaliland, which Somalia denounced as a breach of its sovereignty and Egypt seized on as it deepened ties with Mogadishu amid a wider legal deadlock in the Horn of Africa over Nile governance.

By October 2024, Egypt, Eritrea and Somalia had formalized a trilateral framework in Asmara focused on sovereignty, territorial integrity and Red Sea security, while Cairo expanded support for Somalia through arms supplies and troop commitments.

Officially, the emphasis is counter-terrorism. In practice, the new alignment gives Egypt another lever on Ethiopia as maritime and Nile disputes increasingly overlap.

Leung Chun-ying (2nd L), vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, Djiboutian Prime Minister Abdoulkader Kamil Mohamed (2nd R), Djiboutian Minister of Health Ahmed Robleh Abdilleh (1st R), and Chinese Ambassador to Djibouti Hu Bin (1st L) cut the ribbon during the launching ceremony of a health project in Djibouti in 2023. [Han Xu/XINHUA/AFP]
Leung Chun-ying (2nd L), vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, Djiboutian Prime Minister Abdoulkader Kamil Mohamed (2nd R), Djiboutian Minister of Health Ahmed Robleh Abdilleh (1st R), and Chinese Ambassador to Djibouti Hu Bin (1st L) cut the ribbon during the launching ceremony of a health project in Djibouti in 2023. [Han Xu/XINHUA/AFP]

A harder bloc

The strategic effect is larger than any single arms shipment or summit declaration.

Somalia has gained firmer diplomatic backing. Egypt has secured a more direct position in a theatre that touches Ethiopia's security perimeter. Eritrea, meanwhile, has reasserted itself as a pivotal actor in a fast-moving regional contest.

Analysts warn that the danger lies less in conventional interstate war than in a more deniable and prolonged rivalry.

Rashid Abdi of Sahan Research has argued that while a direct conflict remains unlikely, the risk of proxy confrontation is real.

That assessment fits the Horn's recent pattern, where tensions often spread through partnerships, patronage and indirect pressure rather than formal declarations of war.

The region's internal political conditions make that risk sharper.

Africa Center for Strategic Studies data show that authoritarian-leaning systems host a disproportionate share of the continent's major conflicts. In such settings, outside powers often find it easier to turn local grievances into strategic leverage.

In the Horn, that means port access, dam diplomacy and security partnerships increasingly feed the same cycle of pressure and counter-pressure.

Ethiopia has tried to keep its options open.

The Turkish-brokered Ankara Declaration between Ethiopia and Somalia in December 2024 lowered the immediate temperature by restoring a diplomatic track and reaffirming respect for Somalia's sovereignty.

It also reopened discussion of Ethiopian access to the sea through arrangements negotiated with Mogadishu rather than pursued around it.

Yet the declaration eased tensions more than it resolved them. The Egypt-Eritrea-Somalia alignment remains in place, and the deeper contest over leverage, trust and regional influence is still far from settled.

Western stakes remain

These shifts are also creating openings for outside powers.

China already holds a strong commercial and strategic position in the Horn through infrastructure finance, port investments and its military base in Djibouti, reflecting a broader pattern seen in China's grip on African ports.

That gives Beijing the ability to benefit from stability, hedge against disruption and retain influence whichever regional grouping proves more durable.

Russia is less entrenched, but it has cultivated ties across Africa through security co-operation, military support and political backing without the reform conditions often attached to Western assistance.

For Western states, the lesson is not that influence has disappeared. It is that the operating environment has become more complex.

Trade, aid and counter-terrorism partnerships remain important across the Horn. What has changed is the difficulty of managing those ties when maritime access, Nile politics and regional security are now tightly connected.

Effective policy will require sustained engagement with reliable partners, clearer diplomatic signaling and a sharper distinction between legitimate national interests and destabilizing coercion.

A reduced Western presence would leave more space for rival powers to shape a corridor that matters far beyond East Africa.

In the Horn, unresolved territorial and resource disputes rarely remain local. They widen into regional contests — and into openings that outside powers are ready to exploit.

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